Henry the Young King, 1155-1183
Matthew Strickland
Yale University Press, £30
Review by Jonathan Wright
In June 1170 the English king Henry II arranged for the coronation of his eldest son, another Henry, at Westminster. Such acts of "anticipatory succession" were not uncommon in other parts of Europe, notably in France, but England had not witnessed one since 787. Formally consecrating a co-ruler while you were still alive made good sense to medieval monarchs: everyone knew who the next ruler would be which, in theory, made for more stable dynasties in an era of fierce familial rivalry. There were potential risks, however. What if the new co-ruler expected genuine influence immediately, only for such hopes to be dashed? That is precisely what happened in twelfth-century England. Henry fils, writes Matthew Strickland, "was reaching manhood and impatient for a share of power" but Henry père had no intention of making him his co-equal, allowing him free rein in some corner of the family business, or even trusting him with more than humdrum tasks.
By 1173, with Henry the Young aged eighteen, rebellion erupted and Henry quickly secured the reputation of a hot-headed ingrate. The royal clerk and chronicler Walter Map ably set the tone. Henry, Map wrote, "befouled the whole world with his treasons," proving himself "a prodigy of unfaith... a limpid spring of wickedness, the attractive tinder of villainy... the originator of the heresy of traitors" and "a false son to his father." Most historians have taken a similar line, even if their language has been more temperate, but Strickland argues for some measure of reassessment. Henry II ruled over more land than any previous English monarch, including large swathes of France all the way to the Pyrenees. It was "one of the greatest agglomerations of territories since the days of Charlemagne." Would it really have been so unreasonable to allow one's son, albeit youthful and inexperienced, to hold sway in some outpost of the empire? Furthermore, the young Henry actually worked quite hard in government in the years before his revolt and the fact that he went to such extreme lengths to gain power at least demonstrates that he was ambitious. It seems a little unfair to dismiss him as a "frivolous sporting playboy" as many scholars have done.
Strickland concedes that it is difficult to calculate the degree to which Henry controlled the rebellious events between 1173 and 1174. Many other parties were involved: from Henry II's disgruntled wife, Eleanor of Aquitaine, to the French king, who naturally delighted in the spectacle of the English monarchy tearing itself apart (ditto the Scots), to a motley assortment of French magnates who were angered by Henry II's heavy-handed policies in his dominions across the Channel. We can be sure, however, of just how chaotic the conflict was and Strickland's wonderful account of all the invasion forces and sieges is captivating, even for those who usually find military history rather dull.
Henry II triumphed, though there were perilous moments en route to victory, but he determined to treat his errant son with clemency. All was forgiven and an "invaluable fiction" was deployed: Henry the Young must have been seduced by evil counsel or swept up in the forgivable audacity of youth. Tensions remained between father and son, of course, and it seemed sensible to despatch the latter to the "tournament circuit" of northern France where, during the early 1180s, he became quite the superstar. Henry II, meanwhile, had clearly been shaken and unkingly paranoia descended: no-one was to linger at court after sunset, and visitors were not welcome before sunrise.
Henry the Young's mischievous tendencies would surface once more and, by 1183, he could be found in southern France attempting to wrest Aquitaine from the control of his brother Richard. It was hard to predict the outcome until Henry succumbed to disease and died at the age of twenty eight. Shortly before his passing, he asked his father to visit him. The king feared a trap but sent a letter and a sapphire ring as tokens of yet another pardon.
It all adds up to one of the more poignant and puzzling tales in medieval history and Strickland deserves huge credit for rescuing it from relative neglect. He ably weaves in the whole Thomas Becket affair, offers fascinating accounts of chivalric life and, while not attempting to overturn orthodoxies, offers a more nuanced account of Henry the Young than previous historians have managed to muster. As a troubadour at the time put it, Henry "sought fame from the Nile to the setting sun" and assessing his motives is far from easy.
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