ON the day he declared his candidacy, a not insignificant issue arrived on the doorstep of Scottish Labour leadership favourite Jim Murphy.
Glasgow City Council, home to close allies and many potential backers, announced it is facing a grim financial black hole, possibly as much as £150 million over the next three years.
It has led some with a say in the contest to ask what Mr Murphy's domestic stamp would be for Labour. Much is known of his "bigger picture" views; little on his take on class sizes or Cosla turf wars.
Speculation is that Mr Murphy will base a team around the long-term friends and allies who fought the Better Together campaign: its chief executive Blair McDougall, spin doctor Rob Shorthouse and ex-Blair adviser John McTernan.
(The debate on whether the Tories have funded his leadership bid is maybe one for another day.)
His sounding boards within local government are right of Labour's centre, he of course is considered a diehard Blairite (to the detriment of his pre-Referendum career prospects) and Mr McTernan is a regular critic of public services universalism.
With the potential scenario of Edinburgh MSP Kezia Dugdale as deputy and Mr McDougall as a general secretary, New Labour may have reached its journey's end - overall control of the Scottish party.
"Murphyism", though, would have to hit the ground running and the reality of being a Labour MSP may force him to go native quickly too. Enhanced financial powers of some sort will combine with "The Austerity Years: Part Two" and fewer goodies to dole out from Holyrood. Public services, meanwhile, threaten to become a core political issue in 2016.
At a local level Murphyism might even be a case of "back to the future", some believing his agenda would likely mirror that of ex-Glasgow boss Steven Purcell, a standard bearer for reform before his demise, name-checked by Mr Blair and with a skill for surrounding himself with clever folk.
Outsourcing, creating arm's-length agencies, more charging of services for middle-class residents and school tax exemptions are the type of ideas some in Labour expect to see floated.
Promotion of the third sector to deliver frontline services could be there, says one source. It's cheaper. Diluting the link with the unions might not be so difficult given the national picture and diminishing numbers in local branches, another adds.
Meanwhile, even some supporters of opponents question whether his standing at Westminster means he becomes the mouthpiece for MPs. Given the obvious lack of regard for the two previous incumbents, this type of relationship may be what's needed for Scottish Labour to finally secure more autonomy.
Mr Murphy, self-aware enough to know he needs to address his limited appeal internally before tapping into his public recognition and ability to bring out the worst in his political opponents, sets out his stall tomorrow and may unveil a surprise or two. (Downwards democracy and localised devolution anyone?)
Should he become leader, how he then sinks or swims may also measure just how different Scotland is from the rest of the UK.
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