SOME of the dynamics around Scotland's independence referendum are taking on a vaguely familiar hue to this "Belfast Child".

Scotland's former chief civil servant warned this week of societal fissures based on constitutional positions post-referendum, while allegations Yes Scotland's computer system was hacked saw some nudges towards the "unseen hand" of "agencies". Hell, we've even had our own flags rows, from Saltires at Wimbledon to their removal from fire engines.

But increasingly notable by their absence are the views of Northern Ireland's main political parties in the debate, the outcome of which could have a profound impact on their own fortunes and ideologies.

A recent trip to that strife-torn maelstrom I still call home shed some light on why Ulster is largely letting its Caledonian cousins thrash it out amongst themselves.

One prominent Sinn Fein figure admitted to me that while Scottish independence was fully supported by Republicans the public position was something akin to omerta.

A supportive intervention by Mrtin McGuinness or Gerry Adams would do little more than lead to a counter-move by the Unionist DUP, bringing a toxic sectarian dimension to the referendum and jeopardising the potential knock-on for their pursuit of Irish unification. (The situation is being closely monitored by Sinn Fein's "international department".)

For the moderate Nationalist SDLP, the aspiration of a United Ireland isn't akin to the dissolution of the UK in its entirety. Still loosely affiliated with the UK Labour Party, several leading SDLP members are in thrall of the SNP leadership, its robust conduct at the British-Irish Council and its performance as a government.

Furthermore, it is quietly watching Yes Scotland's brand of civic nationalism and how it constructs economic and democratic arguments for independence largely bereft of the emotive cases put forward across the North Channel.

But what alarms the SDLP is the prospect of an "electrified Unionism", galvanised by the intervention into matters Scottish by Irish Nationalism.

According to one former SDLP official, "the spectre of Scottish independence offers DUP leader Peter Robinson the perfect vehicle to pursue his own unity project - Unionist unity". Unlikely as it seems, the DUP's position is largely similar to Sinn Fein. It has indeed offered its support to the Better Together campaign but on a "you know where we are" basis.

Regardless of his "peace maker" reincarnation, the image of Ian Paisley campaigning for a No vote and connotations of a robust Britishness are, a DUP source tells me, unlikely to have the desired effect for Better Together.

The DUP too is impressed with Alex Salmond, borrowing his role as "local champion" on many devolved issues in the face of accusations from other Unionists that it is an 'Ulster Nationalist' party.

More than Irish Nationalism, Ulster Unionism can claim deeper, broader political, cultural, historic and ethnic links with Scotland.

But perhaps we should credit their self-awareness in staying out of an already dirty fight.