Scotland has a long and proud history of internationalism

As a secular humanist philos­opher, and holder of an Oxford PhD, I would have expected him to at least acknowledge the importance of one of his Oxford predecessors, John Duns Scotus, one of the most prominent international philos­ophers of the middle ages. Will Prof Grayling's contribution to philos­ophy be remembered in seven centuries' time, I wonder?

History does indeed move on, and it is not the SNP which is advocating the implementation of passport control or visas to enter England or Northern Ireland. On the contrary, it is the UK Government which refuses to join the Schengen Agreement, and therefore imposes border posts and passport controls on citizens of all EU countries other than Ireland. Perhaps the UK's propensity to invade other countries and forcibly impose its will on them is the reason the UK feels it necessary to stop the free entry of others on to its own territory.

There is no question of an independent Scotland not taking its fair share of UK debt, as long as all assets are also fairly shared, including a fair share of navy, army and air force personnel and equipment as well as MoD and government estate in Scotland, and a fair share of the UK central bank and currency. The UK's own government statistics clearly prove that, contrary to Professor Grayling's incorrect assertion, Scotland is a net financial loser from being a part of the UK. It is a strange philosophy which describes this situation as "all take and no give".

Prof Grayling's apocalyptic vision of a re-enactment of the Thirty Years War is matched by the big-nation separatism which gave us two world wars in the 20th century. The antidote to these situations is of course the European Union, which has preserved European peace for more than 60 years since the inception of the European Coal and Steel Community by the signing of the Treaty of Paris in 1951 which marked the start of European integration. Scotland, which is already part of the EU, wishes to remain in that union following the dissolution of its union with England, whereas the latter may well exit the EU in a few years' time.

If Scotland is backward looking, it is perhaps to a time prior to the unpopular and undemocratic 1707 Union, when her trade was fully integrated with other European nations such as Denmark, France, Germany, Norway, Poland, Russia, Sweden and the Low Countries through the common markets of the Hanseatic League and the Northern Hanse. Scotland and the Scots are indeed a lot bigger and better than the nationalism of a UK Government which invades others, owns weapons of mass destruction and treats one member of its supposedly equal constituent parties with an obvious disdain of its history, financial contribution and aspirations.

Colin Milne,

Birchvale, Brodick,

Isle of Arran.

I AM astonished that AC Grayling, a respected academic and philosopher, should write such an ill-informed article. It betrays his ignorance of present-day Scotland.

For instance, he refers to "North British" talents. That is a phrase commonly used, not so long ago, to denigrate Scotland.

He says the "idea of a Scottish nation is a recent one". That is nonsense, no doubt a result of a purely English education.

Today's nationalists most certainly do not "hark back to Robert the Bruce". The desire for independence owes nothing to the long-ago past; it developed through the perceived disrespect shown increasingly by successive West­minster governments. In the same paragraph he suggests that peoples reconcile and mingle, creating communities and drawing their strength from the merging of once separate pasts. Does he compare that idea with the present pressure in England to leave the European Union? No.

He suggests, outrageously, that a Yes vote will encourage other similar movements which will lead to a bloodbath like the Thirty Years War between small states. But Europe already has many more small states than large and so far they seem to get along. He uses this false logic to assert that the Treaty of Union (not Act) represented an advance in the maturation of peoples. That treaty was anything but; it was forced upon Scotland by an aggressive England and was vigorously opposed by the people generally. The people of the time had, of course, no power.

Finally, he asserts that the SNP is backward-looking and is based on petty ambitions of a small number of politicians. The opposite is the case. That statement also insults the Scottish people who, it should be remembered, voted the SNP into an absolute majority in Holyrood despite an electoral system designed to prevent such an outcome.

Prof Grayling did himself no favours by writing this article. All he has achieved is to demonstrate his complete ignorance of modern Scotland.

John Scott Roy,

42 Galloway Avenue, Ayr.

THE statement that a week is a long time in politics must be on the minds of Alex Salmond and his cohorts at the moment.

The SNP assure us that there is no plan B for an independent Scotland's currency continuing to be the pound; it does however also seem clear that there is no plan A either.

Those nasty mainstream political parties are refusing to agree to sign a blank cheque for an independent Scotland's economy. Mr Salmond's answer to this is to threaten not to pay our share of national debt. If this were to happen, Scotland's economy will then be described as equivalent to a junk bond.

Just when the independence train wheels are coming off, it hits the buffers when EU Commission President, Jose Manuel Barroso says that it would be "extremely difficult if not impossible for an independent Scotland to join the EU" ("Barroso in Kosovo warning on hopes of EU membership". The Herald, February 17). Oh dear.

The referendum campaign has exposed the weakness of the argument for separation/

Ramsay Millar,

96 Carfin Street, Motherwell.

GIVEN the recent declaration by Westminster parties that an independent Scotland would be denied a shared pound, together with murmurings that it would have no home within the European Union, one is left to contemplate if something more Machiavellian is afoot with some, who outwardly speak for the Union, covertly crafting the conditions for a split of the United Kingdom. The first rule in politics is to know your audience. In this case, the audience is the Scottish people - not known for being cowed or easily intimidated.

Unless some English Conservat­ives are secretly hoping to be rid of Scotland and its largely left-of-centre electorate, they would be well advised to desist from issuing threats that a politician of Alex Salmond's undeniable calibre will be able to quickly turn to his strategic advantage.

Allan C Steele,

22 Forres Avenue, Giffnock.

ACADEMICS for Yes has been created to enlighten the independence debate by tapping into the expertise of professional scholars who believe that Scotland's future is best placed in Scotland's hands. Our position is set out in the four points of our Declaration of Independence. We place ourselves at the service of the people of Scotland at this critical time to help them make an informed decision. Our commitment is to be available as much as we can be, to comment on and contribute to the debate, in general discussion and in specific areas of expertise.

Scotland's universities need to be at the heart of the debate on independence, given the critical role they play in both defending and challenging the functioning of a vigorous democratic society, the proud intellectual legacy of their enlightenment heritage. Scotland's universities can only renew their commitment to, and understanding of, the "public'"university, through being an independent nation that fully embraces the research, learning and knowledge mobilisation that flows from the cultural, social, scientific and philosophical disciplines.

A healthy society demands full and open engagement in the challenging and difficult conversations the referendum campaign will throw up. Academics for Yes will offer expertise and argument from a Yes perspective. Our aim is to speak and argue confidently and clearly about why we should be hopeful, rather than fearful, about Scotland's future.

Scotland as a society is rightly renowned for its creative, innovative and inventive capacities. Tertiary education plays a core role here, working to enhance peoples' lives and understanding in so many different ways, both locally and internationally. Independence thus offers the chance to reinvigorate and renew that ambition.

Prof Bryan D. MacGregor, Aberdeen University; Prof Murray Pittock, University of Glasgow; Prof Ailsa McKay, Caledonian University; Prof Donna Heddle, University of the Highlands and Islands; Prof Aline-Wendy Dunlop MBE, University of Strathclyde; Dr Gazala Akram, University of Strathclyde; Dr Valentina Bold, University of Glasgow; Prof Steve Murdoch, University of St Andrews; Prof Robert Crawford, University of St Andrews; Prof Stephen Salter, University of Edinburgh; Dr Stephen Watson, University of Glasgow; Prof Mark Chaplain, University of Dundee; Prof Iain Black, Heriot Watt University; Prof Laura Piacentini, University of Strathclyde; Prof Philip Wadler, University of Edinburgh; Prof Alex Woolf, University of St Andrews; Prof John Watson, University of Aberdeen; Prof Howard Chandler, University of Aberdeen; Prof David Manderson, University of West of Scotland; Prof Jimmy Young, University of Stirling; Prof John C. Morrison, University of Aberdeen.