FROM the moment the Edinburgh Agreement was signed, Scotland's membership of the EU in the event of a Yes vote has been one of the main topics for discussion, both amongst the population as a whole and Scottish farmers in particular.

Earlier this year, the Secretary of State for Scotland, Alistair Carmichael, speaking on behalf of Better Together at the NFU Scotland debate in Stirling, guaranteed on three separate occasions that there would be no UK-wide in/out referendum on EU membership in the foreseeable future.

Recent events confirm that he was in no position to make such a claim.

The success of Ukip in the European elections raises a very strong likelihood of a Conservative/Ukip coalition after the 2015 General Election that would hold an in/out referendum in 2017 - or sooner. Scottish farmers face the very real possibility of being dragged out of Europe against their wishes.

There is, of course, a bitter irony here. The Westminster parties warn us about the difficult and tortuous process of re-entry into Europe. That this is baloney and insulting to our intelligence is widely accepted and need not delay us here. But it does seem extraordinary that the one part of the UK that seems broadly in favour of European membership -Scotland - is the one part that is being threatened about exclusion, and from an insular political class that simply cannot wait to leave.

It rather gives the Better Together rhetoric about being part of something bigger in the modern world a very hollow feel.

Like the excellent Harry Reid ("Yes, it's a risk, but so is staying in the UK", The Herald, May 6), I believe the real danger lies in a No vote. Only a Yes vote can allow Scotland to be a strong independent voice in Europe that represents our interests and allows us to promote a brand renowned across the world.

Only a Yes vote allows us as farmers and growers to fully engage as a modern and progressive country with a world that won't just accept us but, I believe, warmly embrace us.

It is now clear that the farming industry in Scotland must, on September 18, vote resoundingly for Yes. There is no other way.

Alec Ross,

Lochans Mill Farmhouse,

Lochans,

Stranraer.

AMID all the hysteria over Ukip narrowly grabbing the bottom MEP spot in the Scottish regional European constituency it should be remembered that the political gap between Scotland and England has widened since 2009 ("Labour and SNP in bitter war of words over Ukip seat win", The Herald, May 27). In 2009, Ukip got 16.5% of the vote in the UK as a whole and only 5.2% in Scotland but in this year's European election Ukip won in the UK with a 27.5% share of the vote, yet only scraped into fourth place in Scotland with 10.5%. resulting in a much increased differential gap of 17%.

However, if Scotland were independent and a proper country with 13 MEPs, like Denmark and other countries of our size, the 2014 Euro results in Scotland would result, assuming one all-Scotland region, in the following allocation of seats: four SNP, four Labour, two Conserv­ative, one Ukip, one Green and one Liberal Democrat and would much better reflect Scotland's voting preferences.

Fraser Grant,

Warrender Park Road,

Edinburgh.

WHILE one may not always agree with David Torrance, he normally gives an interesting commentary on both sides of a question. In his latest column however, he has failed to see the obvious ("The SNP face two ways on Europe, as in so many areas", The Herald, May 26). He states: "It's never been entirely clear why the Scottish Government believes one referen­dum [on independence] is a good idea and the other bad".

Irrespective of the results of referenda, which can never be guaranteed in advance, the SNP have repeatedly expressed their objection to an all-UK in/out referendum on the European Union, as, in the face of the predomination of English population numbers, any Scottish vote would be likely to count as irrelevant in such an exercise. A Scottish-only ballot, such as will take place on independence in September, is a quite different case.

What could be clearer than that?

Michael F Troon,

15 Crawford Avenue, Gauldry.

HUGH Kerr's letter (May 27) is notable more for what it omits than what it includes. In particular, it does not mention that when Labour obtained its highest-ever vote in a European Parliament election in 1994, it benefited very considerably from the "sympathy vote " effect of the tragic death of John Smith shortly before that election. Your readers should also note that Mr Kerr was not elected to a Scottish seat, but represented Essex West and Hertfordshire East, so he is not well placed to comment on that election in Scotland.

Mr Kerr is also curiously unforthcoming about his own position, which is that he had by 2004 left the Labour Party, and stood that year for the European Parliament for the now seemingly-extinct Scottish Socialist Party (he spoke at the SNP's conference in 2013, so is probably a member of that party now).

In fact, he might do better to worry more about the SNP, which is stalled in its electoral performance and lagging behind in the independence referendum.

Peter A Russell,

87 Munro Road, Jordanhill, Glasgow.

IT is interesting that our UK politicians and their economic advisors had no problems antici­pating that a common European currency, without full fiscal parity across the participating states, was not going to be viable. On the other hand, our leaders seemed unwilling to understand that the uncontrolled movement of labour across the borders of states with very different geopolitical economies should have been every bit as much of a non-starter.

Could this have something to do with the UK establishment (and its big-business interests) seeing the advantages of a virtually limitless supply of cheap, but willing, labour; while at the same time that old mug, the taxpayer, picks up the tab for the consequential, and inevitable, home-grown unemployment?

DH Telford,

11 Highfield Terrace, Fairlie.