Illegal drugs blight many aspects of Scottish life. They cost our economy at least £2.6bn a year and they destroy our communities, as well as blunting the prospects of thousands of children. Those who use them clog our courts and prisons. Scotland has a bigger problem with hard drugs than any of our neighbours, including England and Ireland. How can the country's estimated 52,000 problem drug users move from the road to perdition to the road to recovery? That is the challenge at the heart of the first national drugs strategy since devolution, launched yesterday by the Scottish Government.

Illegal drugs blight many aspects of Scottish life. They cost our economy at least £2.6bn a year and they destroy our communities, as well as blunting the prospects of thousands of children. Those who use them clog our courts and prisons. Scotland has a bigger problem with hard drugs than any of our neighbours, including England and Ireland. How can the country's estimated 52,000 problem drug users move from the road to perdition to the road to recovery? That is the challenge at the heart of the first national drugs strategy since devolution, launched yesterday by the Scottish Government.

Wisely, it attempts to do away with the old false dichotomy between harm reduction and recovery, though whether this can succeed in practice is an open question. For two decades, drug treatment has been dominated by a methadone programme that succeeds in weaning many users off illegal drugs and brings a measure of stability and security to their lives but does not necessarily lead to a drug-free life. Many regard it as a cul-de-sac on the road to recovery. At the height of concern about the spread of HIV/Aids among injecting drug users, it played a vital role, but now Scotland has 22,000 registered methadone users, many of whom have used the heroin substitute for years. Huge resources and many personnel are tied up delivering this programme and yet many users are still using illegal drugs.

The new strategy, while recognising the place of methadone, attempts to shift the emphasis to recovery and abstinence. There are some laudable rehabilitation strategies and programmes in Scotland, such as the drug courts operating in Glasgow and Fife, drug treatment and testing orders for repeat offenders and Leap, Edinburgh's three-month day programme. It is important to build on these ideas, but that is easier said than done.

Pressure from the Conservatives has resulted in some extra funding for rehabilitation but at more than £2000 a week for a residential place, questions remain about capacity. Also, the key ingredient in successful programmes is often gifted, inspirational staff, who are in short supply. Despite all the talk about effective policies and fresh approaches, doubts remain about whether this strategy is capable of delivering a high-quality recovery programme for every heroin addict who asks for it.

There is no end in sight to the current postcode lottery. And, despite all the worthy ambitions better to support the estimated 40,000 to 60,000 children affected by drug misuse, there is still no guarantee that these extremely vulnerable youngsters will each get a social worker. Another unresolved issue is the use and availability of hard drugs in Scotland's prisons, the subject of a separate strategy due this autumn.

Ultimately, as this document recognises, Scotland cannot get on top of substance misuse until it breaks the cruel cycle of poverty, poor health and disadvantage that damages so many of its citizens.