At three times the size of its previous two conferences, the gathering of the Radical Independence Campaign (RIC) yesterday was the crowning pinnacle of its achievements so far.

For the last two-and-a-half years, it has independently organised mass voter registration, canvassing and propaganda. In so doing, it reunited and re-energised much of the radical left. But organising this year's conference was easy. Working out what to do now, how to do it, and achieving set goals are much more difficult.

The conference kept to the tried-and-tested format of its predecessors, with plenaries and workshops.

Given defeat in the referendum but a continued political flux and mobilised state among independence campaigners, the original idea was to have a conference working out policy, perspective, strategy and tactics.

However, it became clearly early on with the surge in those promising to attend that such a working, ­outcome-orientated conference would not be practically possible.

After the warm afterglow of ­yesterday recedes, tackling the challenges of working out what to do and how will be RIC's most pressing task.

The ground on which it operates is now more difficult. The singular focus of September 18, 2014 has been replaced by an open-ended process, with the next key events the 2015 Westminster and 2016 Holyrood elections.

The dynamics have also changed, with mass campaigning being offset by party politics and parliamentary manoeuvres.

The SNP's dramatic membership growth is but one indication of this. If Jim Murphy becomes Labour's Scottish leader, SNP membership may very well pass the 100,000 mark, further strengthening the primacy of party politics.

With resistance from within to RIC forming a new political party, especially from those already in parties like the Greens, SNP and SSP, it will be difficult for RIC to have a seat at any table which decides on the composition of a Yes alliance for next May's Holyrood elections.

Not being part of the alliance means it will be that much harder to play a significant hand in the crucial Holyrood 2016 elections. It remains to be seen what the Scottish Left Project - an initiative launched by activists within RIC - can do in these circumstances.

Outside this arena, RIC will have to deal with the continued lack of rising resistance to austerity. The fight in the public sector against effective pay cuts has not come to much. Strike action on that is petering out.

The battle against public-sector pension reform was lost. Fighting cuts to the welfare state is in an even more parlous state. All this is likely to have a negative impact on the vibrancy of RIC and its activities.

The consequence is that more of RIC's attention will focus back on the unsettled popular will on independence. Although RIC is stronger here, this is also the ground that is most difficult for it.

The danger is that RIC activists go back into their own campaign silos where they think they can make better progress for their priorities. In the process, RIC would become denuded of its lifeblood and forward momentum.

In order to get around this, RIC needs to look at what form it takes. While it has national and local forums, it is not membership-based, so forming policy and taking decisions in open, democratic and participatory ways is not easy.

It is only with common commitment to organisational priorities and tasks - made by members themselves - that RIC can hope to face its challenges. Otherwise, it may end up holding successful annual conferences but do little of consequence in between.

Yet for RIC to be still on the battlefield after being on the losing side and being unable to change Yes ­Scotland's endorsement of the SNP's status quo vision of independence is no mean feat. Indeed, these two factors continue to provide its raison d'etre.