ONE-UPMANSHIP aside, the recent Celtic "state aid" allegations and the new firestorm around purchases of rivals Rangers are not entirely unconnected.

Back in 2010, Sir David Murray's first attempt to sell the Ibrox club collapsed when the only realistic bidder was scared off. The steel magnate's pitch to developer Andrew Ellis that a 70,000 stadium, concert arena, hotel and shops was in the offing was a world away from the blueprint agreed with a partner agency ready to sell its land to assist Rangers' plans and thus its sale.

Agreeing to "off-market" land deals with Sir David was Glasgow City Council, now swamped with costly claims of wrong-doing and favouritism for engaging in similar business practices across the city.

Running Glasgow, it seems, requires keeping two global brands, and their support, onside, an exercise in patience, balance, appeasement and spending public cash.

Celtic and Rangers' recent efforts to tackle sectarianism and health inequalities are almost entirely taxpayer funded to the tune of several million pounds. You could say we pay for the Old Firm's conscience.

Meanwhile, the genesis of the council's involvement in the Ibrox regeneration was itself a leveller to the previous year's decision to focus the Commonwealth Games around Celtic Park.

While a perception (never as important as reality) persists that faith and allegiance within the council will always favour the Parkhead side, sources supporting both clubs and none agree on this: Celtic do politics and relationships much better than Rangers, both pre and post-liquidation. And they work at it.

Due partly to the make-up of its board, those who have dealt with both clubs point to its superior grasp of the policy landscape, decision makers and the thinking of government. "It rarely needs consultants to know what's going on", one source said.

Its comparative financial health has also allowed Celtic to play hardball better than Rangers. (Celtic chief executive Peter Lawwell still believes he got a raw deal in land deals with the council, I'm told.)

Recent circumstances on the south side haven't helped its cause but even in better times, when former CEO Martin Bain and ex-council leader Steven Purcell were pals, Rangers would go on public attack if felt wronged by the council. "It's not the best diplomacy" said another source.

Just this year, one suit on the Ibrox board made inquiries about the "state aid" and favouritism claims and was not unconvinced by the explanation and advice he received. Meanwhile, seven years since being proposed, the Ibrox plans remain unfulfilled.

In a parallel world the outcome of Celtic's "state aid" case would guide some fans towards the commercial and political realities of having two giants of the game in one city.

With the game on its knees, few professional Scottish clubs will not have benefitted from public cash.

In the real world of social media, paranoia and endless, costly complaints to broadcasters, councils and advertising watchdogs, it's more likely a foretaste of more of the same.