DOING some historical research, I came across a tale narrated by Jimmy Reid. He’d heard the National Union of Minewrokers were commissioning a biography of Bob Smillie, the Scottish Miners Federation leader pre-and post-First World War. Meeting Mick McGahey a few months later he inquired how the book was going, to be told they’d abandoned the project as many of Smillie’s speeches had been virulently anti-Irish. Jimmy thought the book should still proceed as Scottish history should be warts and all, and Smillie’s contribution was still immense.

In that I agree with him. The rhetoric used was unacceptable. However, the context was far from the anachronistic Orange marches still espousing Protestant triumphalism and instead based on protection of jobs and conditions of employment. After all, Smillie marched more in tune to Jim Larkins’s Irish socialism than to the beat of the Lambeg drum. He was a friend of Keir Hardie and stood for the Independent Labour Party. Additionally, despite the growing secularism of modern Scotland, many towns and villages still partly reflect a religious past based on pits and communities from those times.

The relevance today is that for all the talk of single markets, customs unions and so on it was immigration that drove Brexit. Politicians can negotiate at that higher level but in many communities, it’s the latter they want tackled. For them, the details are an irrelevance even if the consequences could be catastrophic. It was a failure of politicians to address that which allowed the Brexiteers to play on those fears.

Scotland’s a better place because of immigration, of that there’s no doubt. Irish, Italians, Asian and now East Europeans have all added to our communities and made our country a more prosperous society. However, each has had challenges to face, from low-level hostility to intense violence. .

Of course, racism must be opposed in all facets. However, the fears of workers and communities remain real. Simply wishing them away won’t wash. Moreover, whilst a few no doubt are racist most are simply fearful for their and their families’ futures. To some extent, its the same now as it was back with Smillie, though the communities and immigrants have changed.

It’s the same in Scotland, as it is in Sunderland or Stoke. The main difference is that the pressures there have been greater and accordingly the reaction was stronger. The marginalised and left-behind felt neglected, and struck out against those they perceived to be gaining at their expense. Far from the reality but all to true in the perception.

Suggestions that the Brexit support in Scotland was down to fishing are fanciful. The vote in housing schemes both sides of the Border was driven by fear of immigration not a desire for the repeal of the CFP. I know many who voted Leave for that reason and they most certainly aren’t racist. A failure to address those fears may also partly explain SNP loss of support in the General Election not just in seats in the north-east, but in voter turn out in the central Belt.

Of course, the issue was compounded by the referendum being held as the refugee crisis in the Mediterranean was at its height, which whilst drawing great pity also caused great concern. Sadly, the tragedy continues to unfold. Moreover, Fortress Britain won’t stem the tide of desperate people. The solution, both in terms of crisis response and actions on the African continent, can only really be delivered on an EU level.

If Britain is to pull back from the Brexit cliff then immigration needs to be addressed. It doesn’t impede addressing the humanitarian crisis on the beaches, where many Brits are holidaying. That’s a moral imperative and common humanity dictates it.

However, on immigration more generally there has to be a recognition of the genuine fears and anger that got us here. It’s not just in the UK but elsewhere in the EU that this is happening. The Swedish Social Democratic Government has tightened asylum rules and the Danish Social Democrats have moved for greater immigration restrictions – all that within the EU and still much better than the UK provides.

Immigration laws aren’t of themselves racist, but are needed for good governance. They can address humanitarian disasters, allow for immigration yet protect current citizens. To roll back from the Brexit precipice there needs to a recognition of that, as much as on the negotiation of trade deals. It needn’t mean the ending of free movement. But, action on numbers from outwith the EU can be, as also the accessing of housing and state benefits for those who are. Bob Smillie’s rhetoric was reprehensible but acknowledging genuine fears is still needed by political leaders, now as then.