RICHARD Leonard’s unimpressive start as Scottish Labour leader has been a textbook example of history repeating itself.

After Jeremy Corbyn replaced Ed Miliband in 2015 he was undermined on a daily basis by a hostile party establishment overwhelmingly opposed to his leadership.

The same is true of Leonard, albeit on a smaller scale. A clear majority of MSPs and party “elders” backed Anas Sarwar, not him, and he has endured a series of unhelpful leaks designed to destabilise his fledgling leadership.

The attempt by party centrists to remove some of his allies from the Scottish Labour Executive will inevitably be seen in this light. It is a small, but telling, move that is part of a wider strategy of political manoeuvring.

However, Leonard is making it easy for his opponents in the party. He took over a month to appoint a shadow cabinet – and even longer to allocate junior roles - a slow motion farce that created the impression he is a ditherer.

He has had legitimate grounds to take firm action against colleagues, such as when Kezia Dugdale went AWOL to make money on a celebrity TV show, but he bottled it.

The new leader should be alert to the threats posed by his detractors, but instead he brings a passive, contemplative approach to leadership rooted in an aversion to confrontation. He is a goldfish swimming with piranhas.

Policy mis-steps have compounded Leonard’s problems. Labour forced a “no confidence” vote in the SNP Government’s draft budget, but in the same debate admitted to having no alternative tax proposals. The gaffe was symbolic of the sclerotic decision-making process at the heart of Leonard’s struggling team.

Brexit is a bigger headache. When Dugdale was leader, Scottish Labour secured the right to take positions on reserved areas, such as on Trident, and lobby the UK party accordingly.

Leonard, if the political will existed, could back the UK staying in the single market and customs union permanently, a position that would chime with public opinion. He could lead a Labour campaign, comprised of city mayors and the First Minister of Wales, to persuade Jeremy Corbyn to follow suit.

The reality is he seems unwilling to take a distinctive position on Brexit, which fuels the narrative of his critics that he is simply a branch office representative of Corbyn and his allies.

At a time when Scottish Labour needs to be fronted by a strong leader who asserts his authority and cracks down on petty attempts to undermine him, the party gives the impression of being led by a chin-stroking professor who is an expert in indecision.