THERE was an old sheriff I appeared before who was fond of saying that “there’s nothing certain in life, other than death and taxes”. He was referring to life in general, not just the characters appearing before him.

The phrase has stuck with me and appears appropriate for the political world we live in: the age of political uncertainty. Gone are the givens and going are the rules that followed.

In some instances, old orders have collapsed while others disintegrate or fray. Moreover, the understandings that went with the old orders have also collapsed. The whither and what for NATO is a clear example, as is the relationship of the UK with the EU; never mind Empire Two, which sounds more Napoleonic than 21st Century.

As the old orders and understandings change, so do the political rules and certainties. They can no longer be assumed, let alone assured. That applies on all sides of the political divide, constitutional and socio-economic. There’ll have to be some rethinking to address the new terrain.

Many Yes activists have assumed that victory will come about through demographics. After all, a majority of those under 55 voted Yes in the last referendum. However, simply assuming that time will deliver independence is a mistake. People vote according to their views at the time, not their attitude in the past.

Of the overwhelming majority of over 55s who voted No, some must have dallied with the SNP in the heyday of the 1970s. But their views and attitudes changed. It never was a given that father time would deliver and, in the age of uncertainty, this most certainly won’t be the case.

Similarly, some Tories seem to believe that, now they’re the official opposition in Holyrood, the laws of political gravity will pull down the SNP and propel them into power. That never was a given and it certainly doesn’t apply at Westminster, where even the Tories accept that, as things stand, they’re in power for a long time to come. Moreover, there are other devolved jurisdictions, such as the Basque country, where a nationalist party has remained in power over decades.

Of course, there are still broader political sweeps and cultural issues that remain. The change in attitudes is more likely to come about over many, not just a few, years. Perceptions of identity are important and are formed over many years, and often the formative ones. A younger generation growing up with a Scottish Parliament has vastly different views from a wartime generation or even those who carried out national service and were steeped in a British consciousness.

Perception of being Scottish or British is important, especially as both the direction of travel and the rhetoric of the Brexiters plays up the latter. Ironically, many who voted No as they wished to stay in both the UK and the EU may find it harder to reconcile their twin identities as the tone of the jingoism for New Britannia rises. This isn’t a jolly chorus of voices from the Mersey and the Clyde, the Rhondda and the Lagan; nor is it multicultural London. It’s a harsh south-of-England nationalism.

Similarly, broader attitudes to class and socio-economic conditions remain. The trade union movement has been emasculated and the “uberisation” of the workforce may be upon us. However, organisation can still take place, as Deliveroo workers and Uber drivers have recently shown.

Talk of Thatcher’s children and the atomisation of our society forget the attitudes that are instilled in much of Scotland’s soul. As Margaret Thatcher discovered, antipathy to her values wasn’t just shown on the terracing at Hampden but in the pews at the General Assembly.

The next referendum will be different to the first. But inherited values and wider political cultures will still remain, even if old certainties have gone.