JUDGING from the headlines, the SNP will increase income tax in their budget (“’Really difficult’ budget ahead for SNP as Scotland faces £2bn cuts”, The Herald, December 13). According to the usual mantra from the Holyrood opposition parties, the SNP is a minority government, so is powerless to carry it through. It would need the support of another party, or parties, to achieve that. So the SNP will do no such thing; it would be the Scottish parliament that would bear the responsibility. Critical business leaders should bear this in mind.
All Finance Secretary Derek McKay is doing in his Budget deliberations is to present to the Parliament a range of policy options for debate, giving the opportunity to the opposition to cherry-pick their way through the agenda so that a consensus can be reached.
That was the strategy when the SNP was elected in 2007 with only 47 seats out of 129, a minority of 82, when the apparent rapport between Annabel Goldie of the Scottish Tories and Alex Salmond enabled governance to proceed on a reasonable basis.
In the present context, Scottish Tory leader Ruth Davidson carries on with her practice of knee-jerk opposition to whatever appears on the SNP agenda. In this case, she is against tax rises but she challenges the Government to make efficiency savings instead. Given that this usually means cuts in staff numbers, why has she not suggested which public spending programmes should bear the brunt?
A bizarre atmosphere is developing to the effect that any cuts imposed by Westminster to reduce the UK deficit should be offset by tax increases here. While it is the Conservative Government that applies the cuts, some of these resulted from the £160 billion budgetary deficit left by Labour in 2010. Patrick Harvie, co-convener of the Greens, seemed to subscribe to that philosophy on the BBC Sunday Politics programme.
In any event, we have more to spend than England, whose taxpayers claim they are subsidising our advantage, on the grounds that we cannot afford to cover the extra ourselves. Imagine the reaction south of the Border when they hear we are, after all, able to increase tax to widen the difference.
Finally, as we now control income tax, we await the effect of tax raised here coming off the block grant through the Barnett formula when the first-year figures (2017-18) become available.
Douglas R Mayer,
76 Thomson Crescent,
Currie, Midlothian.
DEREK Mackay is in the position of raising income tax because of Tory austerity cuts, supported by Labour. We in Scotland will lose £239 million from the Scottish Budget, a sting in the tail from the last Westminster budget. But Barnet formula and block grants have been cut over the years and will continue to be cut. Since tax powers are split between Westminster and Holyrood, Mr Mackay is trying to bring in change with one hand tied behind his back.
But is it not right that, as a devolved nation, we should be adjusting tax as and when required? Scottish Labour, Liberal Democrats and the Greens agree with tax rises.
The Scottish Government needs to raise taxes to invest in the NHS including care services and mental health; public services; infrastructure and education. Each brings employment and, when people are employed, they pay taxes and spend money. We require services at least maintained at the present level yet demand keeps rising.
What is the Tory answer to tax rises? It is efficiency savings. How many people in the public services have to lose their livelihoods to make these savings?
Unlike Westminster, where the Tories discovered a money tree the size of a giant redwood to give the Democratic Unionist Party £1 billion, it would appear that the conditions in Scotland for such a tree do not exist and, therefore, we are at the mercies of Mr Mackay, who is either going to come out of this smelling of roses or something less desirable.
Robert McCaw,
6 Hamilton Crescent, Renfrew.
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