THE Joint Ministerial Committee on the EU negotiations was always a good idea in principle. It was designed to be an opportunity for the UK Government and the devolved administrations to engage face-to-face over the different options on Brexit. The leaders of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland were also told the meetings would be direct line to the Brexit ministers and, most importantly, a chance for all the options to be considered as the UK heads for the EU exit.

However, the reality of the Joint Ministerial Committee has been rather different and disappointing. This week’s meeting was apparently held in a spirit of openness, but as soon as it was over there was more of the same old, same old from the Brexiters. Theresa May made it clear the devolved administrations will not be given a decisive role in the UK’s divorce from the EU and David Davis, the Secretary of State for Exiting the EU, says Britain is at a point of no return.

Sadly, none of this sounds like the language of compromise, which is what is needed if the process is to succeed without serious constitutional consequences. Nicola Sturgeon said she remained to be convinced that Scotland’s voice was going to be heard in the process and demanded tangible evidence that UK ministers will take forward the Scottish Government’s proposals. “I came here today,” she said, “determined to find some way of trying to square the circle of the UK-wide vote to leave and the Scottish vote to remain.”

Obviously, there is the threat of another referendum in Ms Sturgeon’s words, although any manoeuvring towards a second vote on independence looks far more complicated than it did in October when the joint ministerial meetings started. However, Ms Sturgeon is right to demand compromise on some of the key issues that are important to Scotland. On the single market, for example, there are models from elsewhere in Europe that demonstrate how Scotland and the rest of the UK could have different relationships with the EU. The UK Government must give these options serious consideration.

On immigration, too, Ms Sturgeon is on strong ground and proved her credentials with a strong condemnation of Donald Trump’s migrant ban. It is also clear that a one-size-fits-all approach to immigration in the UK could damage the economy of Scotland, which actively needs migrants.

Again, the language of the Brexiters does not suggest that a compromise is imminent, although only last week the Institute for Public Policy Research showed how a post-Brexit Britain could use an immigration system that was responsive to local needs, allowing Scotland to take in more migrants while some other parts of the UK took a different approach.

If the process of Brexit is to remain credible, and retain Scotland as an active partner, then the UK Government must compromise on these and other issues. The joint ministerial meetings are all very well, and may yet produce something substantive, but the Prime Minister is still to prove that she is genuine about recognising the role the devolved administrations have in the process and acting on Scotland’s overwhelming case for compromise.