AFTER promising so much for Scotland, after 11 years in power this week, what are the Scottish National Party’s achievements? Today’s Herald brings yet another Police Scotland failure (“Dead man’s family to sue police over 38 hour delay”, The Herald, May 10). In just the last week the health minister, Shona Robison, has been under intense pressure over her latest NHS Scotland failure on mental health provision. There was yet more educational bad news for John Swinney and Nicola Sturgeon is also under scrutiny over claiming she had banned fracking when it seems she had not. The SNP’s tenuous position on Brexit is about to challenged in the Supreme Court. The failure of the 2014 independence referendum and the current struggle to revive it or kill it off loom in the background. Is this a great list of “successes” for the SNP to be proud of after 11 years in the job?

Dr Gerald Edwards,

Broom Road, Glasgow.

TIM Bell’s letter (May 9) illustrates well the old saying “be careful what you wish for”.

Contrary to his letter, the SNP had no majority, absolute or otherwise, in 2007, winning only one more seat than Labour. However, an independence referendum had been part of its manifesto and, as I recall, the opposition parties would delight in alternately demanding that appropriate legislation be brought forward and then make clear that they would vote it down. However, when an absolute majority was secured in 2011, that SNP government, as Mr Bell says, “threw everything into the gamble of a referendum and lost”.

However, while the 2014 referendum was lost, the SNP has continued to dominate Scottish politics, securing majorities of Scottish MPs in both the 2015 and 2017 elections, though reduced in the latter. While its majority at Holyrood was lost in 2016, its constituency vote actually increased. The majority was lost, because, as Mr Bell notes, the Holyrood system reverted to its “intended function of producing minority and coalition governments”.

Analysis shows that even if the entire SNP constituency vote had transferred to the regional list, there were at least two Scottish regions – Glasgow and West of Scotland – where it would still have won no regional list seats at all. In fact, the SNP won only four regional list seats anywhere (one in Highlands & Islands, and three in South of Scotland). Our electoral system operates in a way that a party winning more than three-quarters of constituency seats in any region has a much-reduced chance of winning any list seats.

If securing a majority at Holyrood has been made largely impracticable by the design of the Holyrood electoral system, might the SNP not be justified in pursuing a strategy alluded to by Mr Bell in his letter?

Let’s suppose the First Minister, in advance of Brexit at the end of March next year, approaches Theresa May for another section 30 Order, but is told, again, “now is not the time”. There is some conjecture that shortly after Brexit, Mrs May could call a UK election for a mandate to manage post-Brexit issues. Perhaps, since another referendum has been made impossible by Westminster, the SNP this time includes a manifesto commitment to a Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) if it secures a majority of Scottish seats (at least 30 at the present time), which it has twice in recent years.

Moreover, even if they lost, the commitment to UDI could be included in every manifesto in the future, so undermining complaints about “once in a generation”. It would also eliminate the artificial obstacles Mr Bell recommends, uniquely for a Scottish referendum, such as a two-thirds majority.

Perhaps Mr Bell needs to consider carefully what he wishes for?

Alasdair Galloway,

14 Silverton Avenue, Dumbarton.

JUST like that advert for the “best beer in the world” we are now continually informed from various sources that Scotland is the best little country in the world as regards the welcoming and integration of immigrants. And indeed there are many individuals, groups and organisations in the country which demonstrate this reputation for tolerance and hospitality.

However the new academic report “No Problem Here: Understanding Racism in Scotland” challenges this assumption and certainly gives us food for thought (“Anti-racist claim ‘built on a myth’ The Herald, May 10). Most of us will be aware of the ”banter” which goes on in the pubs, clubs and workplaces throughout the country which can often overstep the mark and creep into racism. It seems that this attitude of “casual racism” can exist at all levels of society.

As we know Scotland (and Northern Ireland) have the additional problem of sectarianism which is merely a euphemism for religious racism. Worryingly reports of sectarian incidents are on the rise.

It would seem that we`re not yet “all Jock Tamson`s bairns” but the first step on the road is to recognise where we are and this report would seem to be a good starting place.

Hugh Phillips,

16 Old Bothwell Road, Bothwell.

YOU published two letters today (May 9) concerning the “No Problem Here” report. In one, correspondent GR Weir seems to suggest that there is none. Figures omitted from that writer’s meme show a higher rate of racially motivated murders than elsewhere in the UK. Others show woeful performances in public sector employment.

Disregard or denial of truths is consistent with frightening aspects of nationalism. Through history, nationalism has relied on making its “nation” feel exceptional. Some pretend that Scottish nationalism is immune from this. Some pretend we have no race problem.

The BBC Scotland coverage had no footage of Angela Constance being asked why diversity in public service employment does not reflect our society. An honest answer might have been cultural racism. She could have been asked why she allowed claims that we are less racist than our neighbours. She could have been reminded that Amber Rudd had jumped after she “misled” on a race-related matter. She could have been asked to nominate the “jumpee” for misleading Scotland on a race-related matter. BBC Scotland failed to challenge the coalition partners. Around nine per cent of the Scottish population is not white Scottish or white British. That equates to more than the total who voted for the Greens in 2016. Yet, they don’t have a separate heading in their manifesto concerning race. Do they value holding the balance of power above the interests of those they should serve?

Perhaps it’s just that nobody in the Scottish Parliament wants to push the exceptionalism issue hard because their collective failings reveal how exceptionally poor many of them are? One thing seems certain, self-interested silence is part of cultural racism.

Kenny Wilson,

21 Union Street, Greenock.