It is a particularly challenging proposition that a country in which the President, sensing the Supreme Court is about to rule that his position as head of state while also army chief is illegal, declares a state of emergency, dismisses the chief justice and arrests most of the judges and human rights lawyers, is making a transition to democracy.

It is a particularly challenging proposition that a country in which the President, sensing the Supreme Court is about to rule that his position as head of state while also army chief is illegal, declares a state of emergency, dismisses the chief justice and arrests most of the judges and human rights lawyers, is making a transition to democracy.

That President Pervez Musharraf attempted to convince both the people of Pakistan and the international community that this is a mere blip on the way to democracy says more about his personal power struggle than his fears for the country that he "cannot allow to commit suicide". With Taliban and al Qaeda forces holding sway along much of the rugged border withn Afghanistan, Mr Musharraf has been facing increasing Islamic violence following a raid on the Red Mosque in Islamabad he himself ordered in July to crush insurgents. Last month an assassination attempt on former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto killed 139 people.

The state of emergency calls into question the billions of dollars worth of aid Pakistan receives from the US, most of it for counter-terrorist operations against al Qaeda and the Taliban. Condoleezza Rice, the US Secretary of State, who tried to dissuade General Musharraf from declaring emergency rule in two phone calls last week, urged him to call elections and said the US would have to review the aid situation, but acknowledged it was "a complicated matter". Part of the complication is that a potential power-sharing deal between Mr Musharraf and Ms Bhutto, seen as the most likely election winner, was facilitated by the US as the best prospect for stability in a country with nuclear weapons. The US must now decide whether its unpredictable ally can be brought back into line.

It will take enormous political and diplomatic tightrope-walking and sheer courage by politicians to get the elections back on track. The only point of public agreement in Pakistan is that elections must be held. How and when are different matters. Yesterday Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz said: "We are committed to making sure the democratic process flourishes in Pakistan," but added this could be any time within a year.

Sixty years on from partition, Pakistan is still a young country, one in which very large numbers remain illiterate and genuine democracy, however keenly desired, remains a difficult goal. Free and fair elections overseen by an impartial electoral commission will be the key to progress; yet democracy cannot be imposed from outside.

Glasgow MP Mohammad Sarwar, who retains close ties with Pakistan, argues that Britain, the Commonwealth, the EU and the US should put pressure on Mr Musharraf by making support conditional on him holding fair and impartial elections as soon as possible and the state of emergency being lifted. It is our best hope: however distasteful it may be to give even temporary support to a military dictator, in this case achieving that end still justifies such unpalatable means.