Weeds pushing up through the concrete of the former East Pier in Stranraer are visual evidence of the town's decline and of one of the most troubling issues for residents.

The industrial dereliction of the abandoned port is among the first sights you see when you drive into the town, and the very first thing visible when you get off the train, which serves not so much the town but the empty site where ferries to Larne used to depart.

Since 2011, the Stena Line Northern Ireland link from Scotland's south-western tip has crossed instead from Cairnryan, six miles to the north. It is a short distance, but makes all the difference to local traders.

"I've lost 22 to 25 per cent of my business," says Romano Petrucci. He's run the town's Central Cafe for 31 years, and it has been in his family for 54.

He's voting Yes in the referendum. Interestingly, the owner of a rival cafe down the street will vote No, but isn't keen to be named or photographed for fear of alienating her customers. Mr Petrucci has no such qualms.

Scotland can go it alone and thrive, he believes. "We make enough here in Scotland. Forget about oil: we have tourism, whisky, fish, meat, farming."

He went to school in England and loves the country, he says, but wants to be free of Westminster. "What does London know about a place like this? We might as well be ruled by Madrid or Rome," he adds.

It is notable that in Stranraer, at least, Yes supporters are easier to find among the passers-by. This is one of Scotland's most deprived towns, hard hit by austerity.

In the busy Yes campaign shop on Charlotte Street, activists are positive about support here, They are less so in traditionally more conservative rural Galloway, but even here they believe they are making progress.

Local businessman Richard Arkess is a leading figures in the pro-independence Business for Scotland. He owns Stranraer-based LED Warehouse, but has been campaigning for Yes across southern Scotland.

He has voted for "all the parties" in the past and voted No to both devolution questions. But his fear about Scotland not having the resources to be successful has been answered, he argues.

"I was brought up in London and instinctively believed we were too poor in Scotland, but then I looked at the books," he says.

Fiscally, he believes Scotland outperforms the rest of the UK. "As for whether it will hurt business, I'm on the cutting edge of the question - with 90 to 95 per cent of my sales going to the rest of the UK. I don't believe it will."

He is sanguine about the fact major businesses have been reluctant to support Yes and Business for Scotland represents mainly smaller firms. The heads of larger businesses often have vested interests, but small-to-medium enterprises like his are vital to Scotland's future, he says, and an important bellwether of confidence in independence.

And relationships between people in the UK are based on shared values, not political systems, he argues: "Politicians are falling over themselves to tell us our whole world will fall in because their world is caving in.

"But the union didn't create Britishness. We'll realise afterwards that political systems don't affect that much."

Others are completely unconvinced. Fiona McBride has been a No right from the word go, she says. She and her husband can't see any advantages to independence. He's a former police officer, she used to work for the court service in Stranraer and both are worried about their pensions. "I don't believe we'll get to share the pound and it creates massive uncertainty," Mrs McBride explains. "Both our children were born in Scotland but now live in England. They would vote No if they could, so we're voting for them as well."

However she is concerned about the way the debate is going and she is not sure what would help. "The No campaign hasn't been strong. I don't think it was such a good idea for Mr Cameron to come up to Scotland. I think that will just add fuel to the Yes cause."

In the town's marketplace, Dominic Rogen and his brother Andrew say they are undecided.

In fact Dominic, 21, who takes his father's pet-supplies stall around markets in the south west of Scotland, is pretty much a No. But he's not going to vote. "I don't see the point of it," he says. "If something's not broken, you don't need to fix it."

He has worked as a farm labourer, too. "The farmers are all going to vote for No," he adds. "They are all saying the subsidies they get come from England."

Andrew, by contrast, says he is still unsure about how to vote, but definitely will. At 16, it will be his first opportunity. He is swithering but others his age are not, he says. "A lot of my friends are going to vote No. They think Scotland couldn't do well as an independent country. I think it's good people younger than 18 can vote - it gives us a chance to make our voices heard."

Regeneration of the harbour is one of the issues coming up on the doorstep, with the council and Stena currently marketing the East Pier site as a potential marine leisure centre. Around 20 bids have been received, but there is anxiety about whether there has been sufficient Scottish Government support.

Labour says the Scottish Government downgraded the regeneration scheme so it is no longer a national priority. The SNP says ministers have done what they can, within spending limits imposed by Westminster. It is unclear if this will affect the way people vote, or how.

This and other issues feed into a sense that rural areas like this are neglected by politicians obsessed by metropolitan areas, who if they do look furth of the Central Belt always look north.

Stranraer feels ignored by Westminster, but two changes of train away from Edinburgh, many wonder whether independence would improve their plight.

This corner of Scotland is traditionally both resistant to independence and cautious about devolution.

Local Conservative MSP Alex Fergusson believes it will stay that way, describing the vote as "fairly solid". But Colin Lawrie, a former Labour Councillor in the Borders and now a Yes activist, says he detects a shift.

"A lot of don't-knows and some Nos are moving to Yes," he says. Only tribalism is keeping some Labour voters onside with No, he argues. "But that has broken down in the last month or so. It has broken down quite rapidly."