TO some they are saviours of their respective countries. To others they are vilified as dictators in the making, hell-bent on consolidating their authoritarian grip on power, whatever it takes. Today is a crucial day for Venezuelan president Hugo Chavez and Russian president Vladimir Putin. This weekend, both men find themselves in elections the outcome of which many believe will reveal the true political direction in which the two leaders hope to steer their nations.

Putin leads his United Russia party into today's parliamentary poll knowing that an anticipated landslide victory will cement his grip on power even after he steps down from the presidency at the end of his second term next year.

Chavez, on the other hand, is facing a much closer contest in his attempt to urge voters to back constitutional reforms he says are needed to further Venezuela's socialist revolution. Not all Venezuelans are convinced: on Friday, more than 100,000 people took to the streets to oppose Chavez's 69 proposed changes to the nation's 1999 constitution.

Whatever the outcome of both contests, in global terms they are sure to have profound political and economic ramifications. Indeed, should both men receive ringing electoral endorsements from their citizens, it raises fascinating questions about why their policies and style of leadership are perceived positively at home while openly condemned by so many abroad.

Few would argue that both Chavez and, even more so, Putin have displayed disquieting authoritarian tendencies in the course of their rule.

Chavez's latest attempt to abolish term limits to his presidency and potentially run for office until 2030 is worrying in itself. Add to this his other proposed constitutional reforms - among them presidential control over the central bank, the creation of new provinces governed by centrally appointed officials and powers to censor the media during political "emergencies" - and even the most stalwart of his leftist supporters could be forgiven for feeling a twinge of unease.

In Putin's case, however, the writing has been on the Kremlin wall for some time, with the president having spoken ominously of his "moral right" to remain in power. A victory for Putin would push Russia one step closer towards a one-party system, spurning any notions of democracy.

In Putin's Russia, the FSB - a reincarnation of the old KGB - has 40% more officers per citizen than its Soviet predecessor. Under Putin's rule there has been a brutal crackdown on opposition groups, freedom of speech and independent media. Over the past week, opposition groups have again accused his regime of ballot-rigging in today's parliamentary elections.

Any consolidation of power by Chavez and Putin will of course elicit outpourings of concern and indignation in Washington and London about the erosion of democracy and threats to world oil supplies. But both men have refused to bow to international pressure. Only on Friday, Chavez threatened to cut off oil supplies to the United States should Washington try to disrupt the vote.

Putin's latest broadside at the West, meanwhile, came with his suspension of Russia's participation in a key post-cold war arms treaty, which will come into effect from December 12. This suspension would allow Moscow to boost its military presence on its borders to the south and to the west with Europe, and comes in the wake of increasingly aggressive rhetoric directed against the West ahead of today's vote.

While the US and Europe look on anxiously at the latest moves by Chavez and Putin, the indisputable fact remains that both men are revered by many of their citizens.

Chavez, after all, is the man who spends oil revenues on schools and clinics, and never misses a chance to bear-bait the US "empire". Putin has used the high price of oil and gas to ensure that the economy and rouble are strong, public salaries are paid on time and pensions increased.

Seen from the level of those living in the poorest Caracas barrio, or from the perspective of a generation of Russians shaking off the humiliation that followed the collapse of the Soviet Union, it is easy to see why Chavez and Putin are regarded as champions.

Many ordinary Venezuelans and Russians no doubt believe they owe presidents Chavez and Putin a debt of thanks. Maybe they do, but not at the expense of real and long-term political freedoms.