Alex Salmond is no different from any other incoming government leader in that he has a gap to bridge between policy intent and policy delivery. His is the first minority administration in devolution's short history. This makes bridging the gap all the more difficult to achieve as the SNP and its Green supporters at Holyrood lack a majority to push policy through. Indeed, the opposition parties could form a majority with the potential to bring the executive down. That would leave Mr Salmond staring into a chasm no bridge could cross.
Alex Salmond is no different from any other incoming government leader in that he has a gap to bridge between policy intent and policy delivery. His is the first minority administration in devolution's short history. This makes bridging the gap all the more difficult to achieve as the SNP and its Green supporters at Holyrood lack a majority to push policy through. Indeed, the opposition parties could form a majority with the potential to bring the executive down. That would leave Mr Salmond staring into a chasm no bridge could cross.
Therefore, the First Minister must take as many MSPs with him, of whatever hue, on the journey to delivering his vision for Scotland. How he intends to do so became a little clearer yesterday when he set out his government's early priorities. The lack of detail afforded Jack McConnell, the Labour leader, the opportunity to criticise Mr Salmond for promising a wind of change but delivering hot air. Point scored. Whether it has any lasting impact will depend on how promptly the SNP can make a mark and in what areas.
The First Minister is not in a position to propose a raft of detailed measures that carry his party's discrete stamp. The arithmetic at Holyrood militates against that strategy bearing policy fruit. Instead, he opted for a pick-and-mix approach to deliver his priority of making Scotland wealthier, smarter, greener, cleaner and safer. If he wants to stay in power, while also making a mark, he has little option but to seek common cause with different parties on different policies. The two Greens are, generally, on board. The Liberal Democrats could be allies in the Holyrood chamber on local income tax. The Conservatives could be on drug courts, drug rehabilitation and police recruitment. Labour could be on education.
Mr Salmond recognised one of the risks in this approach when averring that the "mushy ground of false consensus" was not part of the plan. The right to be voted back into government is not earned by pursuing power for power's sake, at any price. There are other risks. The other parties are not stupid and will be wary of their policies and their support delivering for the SNP, not just in this parliament but potentially into a second term when independence would probably creep up the agenda.
But that is a very long way off. First, the SNP must prove itself in government. None of Mr Salmond's slimmed down cabinet has been in power, even in local government. His team of ministers is small but their portfolios are big, especially that of John Swinney. The learning curve is steep. Putting policy into practice will be the test of negotiating successfully that curve. Manifestos take on a different hue, and are rightly subject to intense scrutiny, when a party is in government. How will the SNP square a high-profile green agenda with abolishing bridge tolls when that is likely to mean greater congestion and worsening carbon emissions? How sustainable is a renewable energy policy when there is an ambivalence towards windfarms? For the SNP, the hard work has only just begun.
