OVER the years the Conservatives built a reputation for economic and political competence, accounting for much of their post-war electoral success. History tells us however, that even before the current meltdown, their claim to competence was down to smoke and mirrors and inept opposition.

Since 1945, a goodly proportion of our most ineffective administrations have been of the Conservative persuasion. It doesn’t take a revisionist to argue that, as a peacetime leader, Churchill could not hold a candle to Attlee. It’s even questionable if Churchill’s standing as a war leader would be as high if Attlee had not been behind him, minding the store, doing the donkey work.

Churchill’s Tory successors including Eden, MacMillan, Douglas Home, Heath and Major didn’t exactly set the heather on fire. While Margaret Thatcher can be credited with a malign competence, it’s a kindness to draw a veil over the premierships of David Cameron and Theresa May.

“Black Wednesday” in September 1992 shredded the party’s reputation for financial competence. The UK crashed out of the Exchange Rate Mechanism (ERM) and interest rates soared, albeit briefly, to 15 per cent.

Many of the economic predictions and measures of recent chancellors have been duds or fallen far short of their target. George Osborne’s austerity strategy to eliminate the national debt by 2015 was so successful that the debt soared to £1.6 trillion by 2016.

And so to Brexit, far surpassing earlier Tory foul-ups. Mr Cameron’s high- risk strategy to outflank both Ukip’s “fruitcases” and the successors to John Major’s “bastards”, blew up in his face. The rest of us have become collateral damage.

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The lack of resolution and leadership to face down the malcontents and opportunists in the Tory ranks has led to the current sorry state of affairs. The failure of leadership is all the more remarkable as none of the principal Brexiters is a political heavyweight. Charlatans might be too strong, but the EU’s most strident critics have seized the opportunity for self-publicity and advancement.

Virtually all the leading Brexiters are political nonentities and/or failures. Jacob Rees-Mogg, Sir Bill Cash and Peter Bone have turned eccentricity without responsibility into an art form. Boris Johnson, Michael Gove, David Davis, John Redwood and Liam Fox enjoyed little success when entrusted with high office.

Mr Johnson was hardly London’s most successful mayor. His absurd Garden Bridge project left the taxpayer with a bill somewhere north of £53million. As foreign secretary, his ill-judged intervention on behalf of a British citizen ensured she is a remainer – in an Iranian jail that is.

Despite their serial incompetence and failure, the leading Brexiters have enjoyed one remarkable success. They turned an issue previously of little interest and relevance to the majority of us, into something currently tearing the country apart.

Equally remarkable has been the unholy alliance between well-heeled Brexiters and many of those living in economically-challenged parts of the country. It’s unlikely that Mr Rees-Mogg or Mr Johnson have hands-on experience in heavy industry but they have influenced many who have. It is ironic that many high-profile leavers have ensured their wealth is safe while the workers in the car industry find their overalls on increasingly shoogly pegs.

The case for exiting the EU was never strong or convincingly made. It didn’t have to be. Prejudice, half-truths and downright lies have done the job. That was enough to encourage the majority to abandon certainty and take a lemming-like leap in the dark. I recently chatted with a lady who voted Leave. She wanted “to take back control”. However, when pressed, she wasn’t sure what was to be taken back. We Remainers underestimated the impact of Boris’ bus.

The 2016 referendum allowed the Brexiters to set themselves up as defenders of democracy. An idiocracy would be more apt. Those wishing to see the back of Brexit are not necessarily undemocratic. It’s just a natural human instinct to dissuade someone intent on self-harm.

The Brexiters exploited the leadership vacuum at the heart of the Tory Party. A similar failure has prevented Labour making the case for the EU. Consequently, we are in a lose/lose situation. At best, a period of uncertainty and economic dislocation beckons. Remaining within the EU would almost inevitably provoke a backlash amongst those who voted Leave, offering multiple opportunities for those intent on violence. As demonstrated in Paris, social disorder lies just below the surface.

Groundhog Day resumes next week with debates and votes that will confirm the divisions in Parliament and the country at large. The well-heeled chancers and placemen who front the Brexiters will have further opportunities to put personal advancement and enrichment ahead of the national interest.

The continuing failure of leadership and statesmanship at the head of the Tory Party has prevented a robust challenge to the straw men and women of the European Research Group. Sir Robert Peel, a giant among Tory leaders, twice shattered his own party over Catholic Emancipation and repeal of the Corn Laws. Twice, he placed country ahead of party. Sir Robert, where are you when we need you?