BACK in 2007 the world gazed in amazement as the sworn enemies of Northern Ireland's tribal divide reached their historic agreement.
The hand of history upon their shoulders, Ian Paisley and Martin McGuinness promised to set aside decades, centuries even, of enmity over the region's constitutional position for the betterment of the citizens.
Truth is Republicans and Unionists had been doing business in councils across the North for years. Not always in a Kumbaya way but bread and butter stuff could be agreed upon without recourse to flags. More so than Westminster, Holyrood or Stormont, local government can be like that (even when you need to check under your car for an incendiary device after the parks and recreation meeting).
This month, Scotland's 32 councils will attempt to balance their books for the year ahead. It really is the last of the tolerable times. Efficiencies have delivered all they can and next up are serious cuts.
By April 2016 even the country's best run local authorities will be starring at a financial precipice not seen for generations.
With hitherto sacred cows such as schools and child social work amongst the core frontline services whose budgets will be slashed, is dragging local government into the mire of the constitutional debate really the best strategy political parties have to offer?
Earlier this week, Glasgow hosted a conference on more devolution of power to cities. The idea has been gaining traction south of the border and comes amid much discussion in Scotland that the 'one size fits all' approach to local government needs overhauled.
For members and supporters of Scotland's party of government, there's a suspicion the whole enterprise is a ruse to undo Holyrood. Rather than links with metropolitan centres such as Manchester, minister have floated a Cities Convention, where the country's largest urban area would hook up with Perth and Inverness amongst others.
On the flip side, supporters of cities devolution claim the SNP is hell bent on thwarting anything which might see Glasgow or Edinburgh find common ground with the citizens of Cardiff over Clackmannanshire.
Meanwhile, matters of economic growth, addressing worklessness, or localised welfare reform risk languishing in the shadow of September 18.
OK, it's naive to think polarised party politics will not be the dominant dynamic at local level. And with Westminster's austerity programme ultimately the catalyst for cuts, clearly the constitution will be there or thereabouts.
But matters such as islands autonomy, where the communities of the Northern and Western Isles have more powers to deal with their distinct issues, are now part of the Referendum narrative, while edicts to councils over teacher numbers are clearly manufactured rows with an eye on May's election.
Shortened school weeks, thousands of council job cuts and charges for basic social care might refocus energies to the core concerns of a politicians lot.
My guess? How Scottish politics tackles the looming crisis facing the services we cherish most will make Sinn Fein and the DUP look positively bipartisan and collegiate.
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