Federalism falls on stumbling block of the English regions

A federal system would require either a completely separate English Parliament or England divided into regional states with extensive legislative powers. If the former, the great difference in the size of England in relation to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland would make this a very difficult system in which to create a balance between democratic legitimacy and smaller state representation. If the system required the creation of legislatures in the English regions, this will be a very long and difficult process. I worked with those seeking regional assemblies in the north of England and in the referendum held in the north-east a decade ago. They were overwhelmingly defeated and that was in the area of England where there was the strongest case.

I don't mind fantasy politics; sometimes it can be useful in opening up debate. But the purpose in this is to give some cover to the minority on the Scottish Left who don't support independence for various reasons. We have a real chance on offer next year, not a fantasy alternative. We can choose to continue with Tory governments or Labour governments which in practice turn out to be not much different or we can grasp the opportunity of creating a strong social democratic Scotland which doesn't see its status dependent on weapons of mass destruction and being the residence of choice for the world's ultra-rich. Showing that there is an alternative is the best contribution we can make to the Left in England.

Isobel Lindsay.

9 Knocklea Place, Biggar.

YOUR coverage of the forthcoming publication of the Red Paper on Scotland 2014 demonstrates that there is worthwhile thinking going on within the Unionist side of the independence debate. Whilst there is much to commend it there is nevertheless a central weakness; it hands the constitutional initiative back to Westminster and its ingrained constitutional conservatism. Why would we do that when we have the means to achieve the bulk of what the paper proposes and more by voting for independence next September? I cannot see how that can at all fairly be described as a "dead-end".

The Tory party is ill at ease with even the measures of devolution we have and as contained in the Scotland Act 2012. The Labour Party, on the other hand, is divided between those who recognise that devolution needs to go much further and those who believe that further devolution is as much a distraction as Gordon Brown considered independence to be back in the 1970s. Theirs is the disingenuous cry about doing more with existing powers before any more can be contemplated. Do we really want to entrust such a decision to those who simply don't want to make it?

A further weakness is that the powers the paper proposes are retained at a federal UK level are the very powers that the UK has spectacularly and disastrously mishandled, whether it is in UK economic policy leading to the financial crash, foreign wars or the vastly wasteful Trident replacement and the irresponsibility of the constantly rising cost of the grandiose and unnecessary aircraft carrier programme.

In short, an interesting and encouraging effort but one that is likely to make few significant political friends.

Councillor Alasdair Rankin (SNP),

City Chambers,

City of Edinburgh Council, 253 High Street, Edinburgh.

AT the risk of repeating myself from a letter last month, the Liberal Democrats published their proposals for federalism in October last year. I see the left-wing thinkers are just beginning to waken up to that view, as indeed is your editorial ("Federalism is an option that is worth exploring", The Herald, September 9) .

The Liberal Democrats were in the forefront of bringing Parliament back to Scotland in 1999; they have been at the forefront of the Scotland Act 2012 to bring huge new powers to Scotland; and they are very much in the forefront in proposing full federalism for the UK, but particularly focusing on Scotland at this time.

However, the Liberal Democrats have also raised the dangers of just exchanging an over-centralised power-base in London for an over-centralised power-base in Edinburgh.

The kind of home rule which the LibDems envisage within federalism also ensures that power is brought back to local communities. In the last few years under the devolved parliament as run by the SNP we have seen a gradual erosion of power from local councils and local communities and into SNP hands at Holyrood.

There are many difficult steps to cross to achieve full federalism, but it's good to see that some of our deep Scottish thinkers are now following the Liberal Democrat line.

Councillor Eileen McCartin,

13 Greenways Avenue,

Paisley.

IT is indeed timely that a third Red Paper is to be published. That the theme is once again Scotland is surely to be welcomed in a debate on the country's future that has largely become intellectually sterile and bereft of passion.

Your readers who remember Gordon Brown's Red Paper may be confused by my reference to this being a third such publication. In 1970 the first Red Paper: Education was edited and published by myself. It was a response to the Black Papers edited by Cox and Dyson that had attacked the expansion of university education ("more means worse"), comprehensive schools and so-called progressive education. It was not focused on Scotland, but dealt with education across the board in the UK. In the middle of planning a second Red Paper: Education I joined Scottish Television as a reporter. Gordon agreed to step in, but eventually the theme changed to a focus on Scotland. He acknowledged this in the resulting book and also that The Red Paper was intended as a forum for the Left to express its views on immediate issues. It is good to see that intention still being honoured.

Bob Cuddihy,

143/2 Constitution Street,

Leith,

Edinburgh.

THE chums of John Hannah (Letters, September 9) are part of a lost generation whose departure has been a severe loss to Scotland, but is rarely referred to in the independence debate. I was on the edge of that diaspora and spent 1970 and 1971 in California, but returned to Scotland.

Most Americans were surprised to learn that Scotland did not have its own government, and I saw no awareness of any "special relationship" between the US and the UK. Many people in the UK seem to think that Americans are just somewhat strange Brits - a notion of which they quickly become disabused if they spend any time there. "British" US citizens are a tiny minority.

Federalism, I agree, is theoretically a good idea for relations between the parts of the UK, but is surely impractical given the disparity of size between England and the rest. For it to work, England would have to be subdivided - is there any likelihood of that ever coming to pass?

Your leader speculates that "the idea of a federal UK will become the most pressing issue in Scotland's relations with the rest of the UK". Well, perhaps. If the referendum delivers anything like the proportion of No votes that the polls are predicting, I doubt if anything to do with Scotland will be pressing at Westminster.

Jim Morrison,

30 Pendicle Road,

Bearsden.