IT'S business as usual in Bahrain, or at least that's what the country's Government would like the world to think.

This week, as thousands of tourists flood in from other Gulf states, including the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, in anticipation of the now controversial Bahrain Formula 1 Grand Prix, there is a revving up of political disquiet that could well drown out the sound of the engines on the starting grid for Sunday's race.

It was just over a year ago that Bahrain's authorities launched their brutal crackdown on anti-Government protesters as the tiny oil-rich nation first felt the rumblings of an uprising inspired by the Arab Spring.

In the intervening months, King Hamad and the Sunni al Khalifa clan that has ruled this island for more than two centuries have been vociferous in their promises of political reform. The reality, however, is something else again, and this Sunday's sporting spectacle is but another opportunity for a regime more concerned with refashioning its image through a slick public relations machine than addressing the still pressing issues of political reform, human rights and deep-rooted sense of discrimination felt by the country's Shi'a majority.

A stable and legitimate democracy Bahrain is certainly not. Instead, almost daily, its military-security apparatus readily uses excessive force, widespread torture, unfair trials and unlawful killings in crushing those audacious enough to question the state.

Incontrovertible evidence to that effect has been gathered by any number of human rights monitors including Amnesty International, which published its own detailed findings earlier this week.

Disturbing as such evidence is, perhaps equally worrying are signs of a drift towards violence within the opposition's own ranks as some individuals, frustrated with the lack of change, begin to deploy ever more drastic measures to achieve their goals.

Fortunately, so far, these radicalised individuals remain a minority and their dangerous tactics are roundly condemned by most opposition activists who rely on legitimate street protests to make their case and grievances heard.

The danger though is that the activities of these militants will only toughen the crackdown imposed by a Bahraini Government convinced that neighbours Iran are stirring up trouble and using their Shi'a brothers as a proxy covert pressure group.

Only two weeks ago an improvised explosive device detonated near a police checkpoint at the entrance of the Shi'ite village of Akr in Bahrain, injuring seven policemen.

The attack came just days after a militant Bahraini opposition group calling itself Asab al Thawra declared on its website it would soon start a bombing campaign in sensitive Government areas outside the capital city Manama.

For some time now, one of the most active of Bahrain's opposition groups has been the February 14 Movement, a decentralised activist network mostly comprising young men that came together in the early days of unrest last year. Though it began as a fairly non-violent organisation, early this year the February 14 Movement began calling for an intensification of protest tactics and began posting threats on its website issued by a new radical group called Asab al Thawra.

While little is known about the formation and structure of Asab al Thawra, it now has its own website and has already given an indication of the tactics it is prepared to adopt in the hope of ousting the al Khalifa regime.

In the past few weeks it has hijacked and set fire to buses run by the country's largest private transportation company and owned by some of the many foreigners – Indians, Bangladeshis and Pakistanis – that make up a huge part of Bahrain's expatriate workforce. In doing so it is clearly sending out a message to foreigners within the country.

Asab al Thawra has also advocated the use of a bombing campaign and made clear its aim to shut down Bahrain's showcase Formula 1 race. Last year's event in Bahrain was cancelled after drivers boycotted the race over the Government's human rights abuses.

So far there is little evidence the escalation in violence advocated by Asab al Thawra is being orchestrated or supported from outside by the likes of Iran. Should, however, the weapons used by Asab al Thawra become more sophisticated or powerful then almost inevitably it will lead to greater suspicion of Tehran's involvement and intensify sectarian tit-for-tat violence between Shi'ites and Sunnis.

The obvious regional dangers of this aside, it would also only serve to undermine the legitimate largely non-violent campaign by those in Bahrain seeking greater justice and democracy.

In November last year the Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry, set up by King Hamad bin Issa Al Khalifa, submitted its own report of an investigation into human rights violations committed in connection with the anti-Government protests.

By its own admission it made clear the country's authorities were guilty, yet to date little has been done to improve the situation.

For now it's Bahrain's precious Grand Prix the Government seems to prioritise in efforts to rehabilitate its image in the eyes of the international community.

The time has come for it to rethink those priorities. Until it does so, Bahrain will remain locked on a political collision course with dangerous regional implications.