IT WAS a grotesquely inept sense of timing that induced the MoD to
bring yet another convoy of Trident warheads up to Scotland on Thursday,
May 11 -- the very day that saw the closing of the special UN conference
designed to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, when 178 nations
agreed to an indefinite extension of the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT).
While our representatives were signing this treaty committing Britain
to reducing our nuclear arsenal, we were busy increasing our stockpile
by another 10 warheads.
By the NPT, nations without nuclear weapons agree to renounce these in
perpetuity, while as a quid pro quo, under Article VI, the five declared
nuclear powers commit themselves to reduction and eventually elimination
of all their nuclear weapons.
Although both the US and Russia have made substantial cuts in their
nuclear stockpile, the UK continues to press ahead with Trident, which
in terms of technical efficiency -- range, accuracy, lethality -- is
undeniably a massive increase.
Indeed, this is freely acknowledged by the House of Commons Select
Commitee on Defence, which described Trident as ''a significant
enhancement of the UK's nuclear capability''. This description flatly
contradicts Malcolm Rifkind's oft-repeated claim that it is a ''minimum
deterrent''.
The Defence Committee's appraisal is vindicated by any honest
consideration of the facts. Every eight days one more Trident warhead
comes off the production line. While there were -- and are -- around 100
Polaris warheads, the total of operational Trident warheads is to be
300. These have a much longer range and can hit six times as many
targets. Each warhead has 100 kilotons of killing power, ie, it is eight
times more powerful than the bomb dropped on Hiroshima, where the final
death toll was 200,000 . . . And there are 96 warheads on each
submarine, ready to be launched at 15 minutes' notice.
The sheer enormity of indiscriminate slaughter on this scale surpasses
all human imagination. How can we comprehend eight Hiroshimas, when we
can never grasp the horror of one? Trident is the worst thing in the
world; worse even than Rwanda, Belsen or Hiroshima. It is the epiphany
of absolute malevolence.
However, what I wish to focus on here is not the moral or technical
aspects of Trident but the broader question of its impact on this
country's political and economic life. In Scotland, at Coulport, we have
the largest arsenal of nuclear bombs in Europe. We also have what is
probably the largest store of conventional explosives -- 27,000 tons of
it -- in the NATO arms dump in Glen Douglas. Because material has been
transferred here from Germany since the collapse of the USSR and
reunification, there is now more here than at the height of the cold
war.
When all the old free-fall (WE-177) bombs are withdrawn from service
in 1998, Britain's entire nuclear arsenal will be stored here in
Scotland. And when the Trident submarines are past their ''use by''
date, you can guess where the radioactive hulks will be dumped.
It is Scotland also that has to suffer the noise and environmental
damage caused by low-flying aircraft. With the exception of a very small
area in the north of England and in Wales, all UK ultra-low flying zones
are in the Borders and the North-west Highlands. Whatever role low
flying played in the last war, the advance in hi-tech anti-aircraft
weaponry makes it an unusable tactic in modern warfare. Experience in
the Gulf War and the Falklands show this clearly.
What we see in all these instances is the increasing militarisation of
our land and economy and a growing polarisation of political reactions
in Scotland. Scotland is looking more and more like the absurd last
bastion of Empire. While Britain seems incapable of finding her role in
Europe, and clings to Trident as a totem of former imperial status, we
are the ones who have to suffer the consequences.
All this is increasingly seen as morally intolerable, and a distortion
of normal political and economic life in Scotland. All sections of
Scottish society have expressed their repugnance at the imposition of
Trident. Opinion polls show that 75% of the population of Scotland do
not want Trident. Leading figures in academic and cultural life are
virtually unanimous in their condemnation. The Christian churches have
rejected it, as have representatives of other religions. In its
deliverance of May 20, 1982, the General Assembly of the Church of
Scotland ''renounced the use of nuclear power for war-like purposes''.
In an Easter statement of the same year, the Catholic bishops of
Scotland were equally forthright; ''if it is immoral to use these
weapons, it is immoral to threaten their use''.
The two largest political parties reflect this national mood. The
Scottish Labour Party rejects Trident. Unfortunately, it has the problem
of being tied to the policies of the British party, and its promised
parliament would still leave us with Trident. The SNP is committed to
scrapping Trident.
I believe there can be no more potent a symbol of the lack of genuine
democracy in Scotland than this obscene monster wallowing in the
polluted waters of the Gareloch, with the wasted landscape of Coulport
and Faslane a tragic backdrop.
On May 12, when President Clinton was in Kiev, he praised the Ukraine
for giving up nuclear weapons. ''Your nation can claim responsibility
for a major contribution to world peace . . . your wise decision to
eliminate nuclear weapons on your territory has earned your nation
respect and gratitude everywhere in the world.'' Why should this same
logic not apply here? What is sauce for the Ukrainian goose is sauce for
the Scottish gander. The excuses the UK Goverment makes -- we live in a
dangerous and unstable world, fears of a revived Russia etc -- could
equally be made by the Ukraine with even more credibility. They, after
all, share a common frontier with Russia.
Britain evidently sees herself as excluded from the moral restraints
demanded of all other states. The assumption is that we can be trusted
to have H-bombs, but they cannot. This is our thermonuclear White Man's
Burden, an atomic birthright bestowed on ''Great'' Britain but forever
forbidden to lesser breeds. At the heart of British nuclear delusions
there lies an unacknowledged and unarticulated racism, the most
repellent legacy of our imperial past.
* Brian Quail is Joint Secretary of Scottish CND.
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