AFTER months of disharmony that has threatened to propel post-Brexit Britain into a damaging trade war with the EU, the mood music between London and Brussels over the Northern Ireland Protocol has suddenly, unexpectedly, hit a brighter note.

Boris Johnson - facing another uncertain winter thanks to a melange of Covid infections, the aftermath of his U-turns on Westminster standards and HS2, the continuing flow of Channel migrants, and the risk of losing another safe Tory seat in a December by-election - wants, we are told, a “quiet Christmas”. Who would blame him?

Our embattled PM is in dire need of a political uplift; a breakthrough on the protocol would certainly provide it.

At the British-Irish Council on Friday, Micheal Martin, the Taoiseach, said it was time for the UK and the EU to “turn the corner” on the damage being inflicted on their relations following Brexit.

While there was no dramatic breakthrough in the continuum of talks between Lord Frost and Maros Sefcovic, his European Commission counterpart, hopes have been lifted thanks to the more upbeat tone.

Martin chose positivity over negativity and made clear the protocol row - over easing the post-Brexit customs checks between Northern Ireland and Great Britain - could be resolved satisfactorily and, if it was, then a “stronger, proactive, constructive relationship” between the EU and the UK could be forged.

Not to be outdone on the optimism front, Michael Gove, the Cabinet Minister representing the UK Government at the Council, chipped in to highlight the Commission’s “constructive approach” to the talks. He then said: “While, of course, it’s always possible Article 16 may require to be invoked, we’re confident we’ll be able to make progress without it.”

Even Nicola Sturgeon pointed out the more positive tone coming from London,suggesting it was now focused on getting a deal with Brussels on the protocol.

But she also warned that invoking Article 16, which would trigger the suspension of post-Brexit arrangements for Irish Sea trade, would have “profound and deeply damaging consequences” across the whole of the UK.

Before Friday’s talks the usually inscrutable Frost pointed out how there were “still really quite significant gaps,” maintained the threat of “legitimately” triggering Article 16, but also acknowledged some progress.

A key sticking point is the role of the European Court as the final arbiter.

The UK Government dislikes this - as do Northern Ireland’s Democratic Unionists - because it gives a foreign body jurisdiction over a part of the UK but the Commission insists that, if the province is in the single market, then Luxembourg City must have the final say on disputes.

However, after the talks, the Brexit Minister managed to conjure up a more positive line, saying: “There is some potential to generate some momentum in our discussions.”

For his part, Sefcovic welcomed London’s “change of tone” in the negotiations and pointed out how the EU’s proposed new measures on the protocol would permanently slash customs paperwork by half as well as removing up to 80% of border checks; major bugbears for the UK Government.

The measures would, stressed the Commission Vice-president, create an “express line” on trade between Northern Ireland and Great Britain, resulting in a “win-win situation” for all.

He also employed the ‘best of both worlds’ line, saying: “Northern Ireland is a unique place to invest and should be a powerful magnet for foreign investment” because of its unparalleled access to two of the world’s largest markets.”

The public seem to agree. Last month, a poll suggested 52% of people in Northern Ireland thought the protocol was, on balance, “a good thing” for the province with 62% agreeing it provided a “unique set of post-Brexit economic opportunities” that could be beneficial. The respective figures for a June poll were 43% and 57%.

Sefcovic called on the UK to “reciprocate the significant move the EU has made”. But he too maintained a threat, stressing: “Settling the divorce has always been and remains a precondition for our future relationship.”

He explained: “It was on this basis that we negotiated, concluded and ratified the trade and co-operation agreement on Christmas Eve last year. The two agreements are intrinsically linked, one cannot exist without the other.”

To put it another way, no deal on the protocol means no trade and co-operation agreement; a trade war would beckon.

The First Minister did not mince her words and said triggering Article 16 would be “one of the most irresponsible things that can be done right now in the face of Covid and the other Brexit implications that are being felt across all parts of the UK”.

Edwin Poots, the Stormont Minister and former DUP leader, insisted the protocol remained “unacceptable in so many of its forms” as it “attacks the integrity of the constitutional position of the United Kingdom” but made clear: “We would do everything we can, both in Northern Ireland and within the UK, to protect…[the EU] single market.”

It seems strange for London and Brussels to make any positive noises if there were not a chance of a breakthrough deal; they know how the media works. Allowing hopes to be raised only for them to be dashed later is not good politics; particularly in the delicate political landscape of Northern Ireland.

To add to the tense backdrop, there is the UK’s continuing post-Brexit row with France over fishing rights. Emmanuel Macron, facing a presidential election battle in April, this week declared defiantly: “We are going to continue to fight, we will not abandon our fishermen.”

And on the Channel migrant issue, as Home Secretary Priti Patel blamed the borderless continental Schengen system for leaving France “overwhelmed” with migrants trying to reach Britain, the French President accused the UK Government of swinging “between partnership and provocation” over the flow of Channel migrants.

Boris may have got Brexit done but the lingering after-effects, especially in relation to the protocol, continue to create friction. More than five years after the referendum vote, it’s time to start making Brexit work.