THE moment Theresa May sealed the fate of her premiership came at just after 11am on April 18 2017.

In a windswept Downing St, the Prime Minister announced to the nation that a general election was the “only way to guarantee certainty and stability”.

Decrying “division and game-playing” at Westminster, she thought her 17 Commons majority was not enough to process the Brexit legislation that lay ahead; with a 21-point lead in the polls, the temptation to call a snap election proved too strong.

But Mrs May’s slender majority evaporated after a dreadful election campaign.

The “glumbucket” premier declined live TV debates with her opponents, saying how she wanted to campaign on the ground. But her lack of empathy with voters was painfully obvious.

When the Green’s Caroline Lucas was asked during a TV debate of opposition party leaders - minus the PM - what was good leadership, she replied with a zinger: “Turning up.”

From the moment the Conservative crown fell into her lap following David Cameron’s enforced departure post the 2016 referendum result, Mrs May’s premiership was dominated by one thing: Brexit.

That loss of a parliamentary majority led to a loss of political authority and made what was already a mountainous task, one of Himalayan proportions.

To get anywhere beyond base camp, Mrs May had to rely on a confidence and supply deal with Northern Ireland’s wily Democratic Unionists.

But it was their demand to scrap the controversial backstop, that played a key role in the PM’s ultimate political demise.

Mrs May’s turbulent premiership was marked by a series of key moments.

One came in December 2017. The inscrutable PM was on the verge of a deal with Northern Ireland retaining "regulatory alignment" with the EU to preserve its open border with the Republic.

But the DUP hit the roof. The implication was clear; Northern Ireland would remain inside the customs union and the single market while the rest of the UK would be outside.

Ruth Davidson, the Scottish Conservative leader, was also aghast, telling Mrs May the country must not “be divided by different deals for different home nations”.

The implication for the Union was illustrated by First Minister Nicola Sturgeon, who complained if Northern Ireland could get a better deal, then why not Scotland.

Another key moment came in July 2018 when the Cabinet gathered at the PM’s country retreat in Buckinghamshire.

The Chequers Plan proposed a common rulebook with the EU on goods.

David Davis, the Brexit Secretary, argued such a blueprint was “not returning control of our laws in any real sense” and resigned. A day later, Boris Johnson followed suit, describing the May Plan as a “suicide vest” for the British constitution.

The EU also rejected the Chequers Plan as it would have kept the UK in the single market for goods; Brussels opposed what it called “cherry-picking,” believing it would undermine the integrity of the EU.

After the UK-EU agreement was finally struck in November, the real turbulence for Mrs May’s Government began.

It would be marked by mutiny on the backbenches and rebellion on the frontbenches, regular leaks from Cabinet and even Cabinet ministers defying the party whip. A toxic cocktail that would only end one way.

In December, just a day before the deal with Brussels was to be put to the Commons, the vote was dramatically pulled because ministers believed it was doomed to defeat.

Two days later, as Tory discontent seethed the PM survived a confidence vote among colleagues. But more than 100 MPs voted against her. The die was cast.

Then came an extraordinary parliamentary moment. When the Brexit Plan was put to MPs, the Government suffered a record 230 defeat. In normal times, the humiliated PM would have resigned. But these were not normal times.

A defiant Mrs May ploughed on, insisting Britain would leave the EU on March 29. She continued to refuse to ease her red lines, hoping she could squeeze her plan through the Commons. But in early March, it was defeated again.

By now the PM had lost control of the Commons. MPs, urging the need for consensus, took over the parliamentary timetable to hold indicative votes. But they failed to agree on any alternative option.

After hundreds of thousands of anti-Brexit protesters flooded London, the pressure on the PM became so intense she made a remarkable concession; agreeing to quit early if her deal were passed.

As the Government insisted it was now a question of the May deal or no-deal or no Brexit even hardened Leavers like Mr Davis and Mr Johnson blinked and backed her plan. But it was not enough and it was defeated for a third time.

To avoid a precipitous Brexit in April, the UK and EU agreed a day before to extend the Brexit deadline to Hallowe’en.

After the Government accepted Britain would have to take part in the May European elections, cross-party talks began on seeking a compromise. But they always appeared doomed to failure and true enough six weeks on Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn pulled the plug, saying the PM had not moved enough and any agreement could have been torn up by her successor.

Earlier this week in a last desperate throw of the dice, Mrs May unveiled a reworked Withdrawal Agreement Bill, offering up a vote to facilitate a second referendum.

Justifying the move, the PM insisted she had compromised; it was now for others to do so too.

But while opposition parties claimed the PM had not moved enough, her Cabinet colleagues believed she had moved too much; facilitating a second EU referendum would undermine the Scottish Tories’ opposition to facilitating a second referendum on Scottish independence.

By now Mrs May was bunkered in Downing St. When she refused to meet Cabinet colleagues, she was described as having pushed the “sofa…up against the door,” determined not to come out.

Within 48 hours, however, she did come out and was in Downing St, announcing her resignation.

So, once again Europe, and Britain’s relationship with it, has done for a Conservative prime minister; May; Cameron, Major and Thatcher. And the chances are, it will also do for whoever succeeds its latest hapless victim.