The day before our meeting, Stephen Flynn had been served notice by parliamentary authorities that he was to be charged with misusing official Commons stationery. Mr Flynn had distributed mugs to journalists deriding Labour’s refusal to scrap the two-child benefit cap.

The delinquent earthenware bore the legend: “Controls on family sizes. What's the point of Labour?” An accompanying message on his personal Commons note-paper read: “The Labour Party has a new range of mugs in production. They're made in China – just like Sir Keir Starmer's latest policy.”

I’m not suggesting that the Aberdeen South MP wasn’t taking this charge seriously, but let’s just say he seemed more vexed about Dundee United’s prospects against Arbroath later that day. Yet his stunt had rattled Labour. And so, perhaps, job done.

He seems to enjoy the cut and thrust of debate in the House of Commons and points out that the bear-pit of Aberdeen Council politics was an ideal apprenticeship.

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“If someone had said to me as a young lad that I’d have the opportunity to hold the Prime Minister personally to account I’d have laughed at them. But I’ve got that opportunity and so I’m not going to swing and miss.

“Rishi Sunak is the most powerful person in the UK. His party and what it stands for is an anathema to me. I got involved in politics to build people up. But the Tories seek only to build up their pals.

“I like to know that I can go home to my family and tell them I’ve done things I actually believe in. Obviously there are points where you have to bite your tongue. But I like to think that if people are watching me they’ll think ‘he speaks for me’. And even if they don’t, then at least they’ll know I’m giving as good as I’m getting.”

Surely though, I suggest, that amidst the implacable tribalism of Westminster politics there could have been space for compassion in the wretched case of Margaret Ferrier, the Covid breach MP who lost seat after a recall petition.

In the words of their former leader, Alex Salmond, the SNP had “thrown her to the wolves”.

One party source had told me that she was “in deep, deep distress” and had apologised for her error of judgment. It was clear though that the party, to whom she given years of hard work, had decided to shun her. No-one was doubting her guilt, but could there not still have been room for compassion? “Margaret should have stood down as soon as her actions had become public knowledge,” said Mr Flynn. “It would have been best for her and best for the party. I said this in the immediate aftermath and I haven’t changed my opinion.

“You need to remember the context in which we were all living. I don’t think the passage of time should allow us to forget that what she did was wrong and at a time when all of our lives were absolutely awful. Yes, time’s a healer, but Margaret knew the rules under which we were all living. If it had been me, I’d have resigned immediately.

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“Ultimately, it was her decision to do what she did and then to hold on until we got to a point where people had to vote to remove her. She had agency in this and that’s the frustrating thing. It damaged her and us too in the constituency. I hope though, that Margaret, if she requires it, is getting support from those close to her. But the reality is that she had control over this from the start and that’s why it’s dragged out.”

Implacable and merciless though Westminster might be, it’s been a bouncy castle in comparison to a Holyrood where the debate over the Gender Recognition Act has been ugly and ruinously divisive for the SNP.

The former party leader, Nicola Sturgeon, opted unequivocally to be an advocate for trans rights. In doing so, she was accused by gender-critical feminists in her own party of enabling a hate campaign to target them. Is it time now to let some heat out of this debate? “I don’t think I’m unaware of anyone’s views relating to this issue,” he says. “This suggests to me that people have had the opportunity to speak out on it. My own views are well-known.”

“So you support self-ID,” I ask. “I’m in favour of the legislation,” he replies.

“We must agree to disagree on this issue. I have strong views on this, but I think we can hold opposing views in a civil manner and without discounting others’ views.

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“I’ve had communications from people who are against it and I’m thinking ‘Wow! You’re sending me this in that sort of language. I’d never use that sort of language. I simply want to ensure that those most impacted by this – that tiny subset of our society – will feel they still belong in our society. I think that’s important, yet some of the language I’ve seen troubles me massively. There are boundaries to everything, and some of them haven’t covered themselves in glory.

“I’ve heard some stuff said at rallies that’s had me holding my head in my hands. It’s simply wrong. But some of the stuff that’s been directed at me has been pretty bleak. There are a group here – transpeople – who just want to get on with their lives and I’d like to think that as a society we can find a way to make that happen.”

A recent article described Stephen Flynn as the SNP’s “most ambitious” politician. Already, he’s being tipped as a future leader and it’s easy to see why. He deploys a verbal dexterity that both adheres to the party line (if sometimes precariously) yet can occasionally hint at something else. It’s no wonder that his predecessor Ian Blackford didn’t see him coming until it was too late.

On the resignation of several of his Westminster colleagues, including his recently-appointed deputy, Mhairi Black, he says: “I’ve spoken to them all. It provides an opportunity for someone else to come in after the election and be a new voice that can resonate with the voters.”

On the scarcity of authentic working-class people across all parties in Holyrood: “I worry more about what people do than what they say and how they say it.”

And then this on re-building trust with disillusioned activists in the post-Sturgeon era: “Humza has done well. He’s trying to be as calm and as open as possible with people across the country. He’s not been afraid to say that he didn’t know about the issues around party funds rather than pretend that everything is fine.

“I have the utmost respect for the way he’s handled a very difficult period. He’s a dad and a husband. And to come out the other side with a smile on his face and with some vigour says a lot about him as a person and a leader.

“I’m still confident that when we’re able to have a referendum all the grief can be put to one side and we’ll come together again. We all still believe in the same end goal.”

His diplomacy evaporates when it comes to Alba. “Shouldn’t there be some kind of détente with them,” I venture.

“I’m a member of the Scottish National Party,” he says. “So no-one should be surprised when I say that if you want independence you should vote for us. Alba is polling between one and two percent. No one can show me a seat they can possibly win. SNP is the only party that can deliver independence.”

When I interviewed the party President Mike Russell in the wake of Nicola Sturgeon’s sudden resignation and its fallout, he said that the SNP was facing its biggest crisis in 50 years. Does he agree with that analysis? “Look, I’m a Dundee United fan, I spent 18 years as a disabled person (he’s had a serious condition known as avascular necrosis since he was a teenager and had surgery three years ago). I like a challenge. So, I’m less focused on what’s happened and people’s opinions about it than on how we can use those challenges to get to a better position.

“And I think if your mind-set is not on that at the moment – and this isn’t a criticism of anyone – and not on what’s happening to the public then you’re in the wrong place. The public will expect nothing less than us to be focused entirely on their issues.”